Money talks. Diplomacy whispers, then sends a bill.
Israel’s Ambassador to India, Reuven Azar, is back at the podium, dusting off the same promises we’ve heard since the early 2000s. Only this time, there’s a deadline. An FTA—the long-promised Free Trade Agreement—might actually get signed by the end of the year. Maybe. If the stars align and the logistics of a literal war zone don't get in the way.
It’s a classic long-distance relationship. Jerusalem and New Delhi have been flirting for years, trading defense tech and agricultural tips like teenagers swapping mixtapes. But an FTA is the geopolitical equivalent of moving in together. It’s messy. It involves actual paperwork. And it usually ends with someone arguing over who pays for the plumbing.
Azar seems eager. He’s talking about "synergies" without using the word—thank god—and focusing on the one thing that keeps both Prime Minister Modi and the Israeli tech elite awake at night: supply chains. Specifically, the kind that don't involve China.
India wants to stop being the world’s call center and start being its factory. Modi’s "Make in India" campaign is a hungry beast, and it eats semi-conductors for breakfast. Israel, meanwhile, has the IP but lacks the scale. It’s a match made in a boardroom, even if the actual implementation feels more like a fever dream.
Let’s look at the friction. The India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) was supposed to be the shiny new toy. A rail and shipping link that would bypass the usual bottlenecks and make the Suez Canal look like a local side street. Then October 7th happened. The region didn't just catch fire; it exploded. Now, the idea of a seamless rail link through the desert looks less like a strategic masterstroke and more like a $20 billion PowerPoint presentation gathering dust.
Azar isn't deterred. He’s leaning into the "reliability" angle. He wants India to see Israel as the stable port in a storm, ignoring the fact that the port itself is currently operating under a constant threat of rocket fire. It's a bold pitch. It’s the kind of pitch you make when your back is against the wall and your usual trade partners are starting to look at you with raised eyebrows and tightened purse strings.
The trade-offs are visible if you look past the handshakes. India is walking a tightrope. It needs Israeli surveillance tech and irrigation hardware, but it also needs to keep the Gulf states happy enough to keep the oil flowing. Israel, on the other hand, needs a massive, friendly market to offset the growing chill from European capitals.
The price tag isn't just in the tariffs. It’s in the political capital. When Modi eventually lands in Tel Aviv—a visit Azar says is being "excitedly" planned—it won't just be about photo ops at the beach. It’ll be about whether India is willing to tether its economic future to a state currently redefined by perpetual conflict.
And then there’s the tech. Israel likes to brag about its "Startup Nation" status, but those startups are currently losing their best engineers to reserve duty. India has the bodies, but its infrastructure is still a patchwork quilt of high-tech hubs and medieval-tier logistics. Bridging that gap isn't a matter of signing a piece of paper. It requires actual, physical stability. Something that’s currently in short supply.
Azar mentions "specific sectors" like water management and chips. Boring stuff. Important stuff. The kind of stuff that makes billionaires richer and gives bureaucrats something to do on a Tuesday. But the real story is the desperation. Israel needs this win. It needs to prove it’s not isolated. India needs the tech to prove it can actually compete with the big boys in the West.
We’ve seen this movie before. The "year-end" deadline is a favorite trick of diplomats. It creates a sense of urgency where none exists. It’s a way to keep the markets interested while the lawyers argue over the fine print of intellectual property rights and agricultural subsidies. If they actually sign it, expect a flurry of headlines about a "new era."
Don't buy it. An FTA is just a license to trade. It doesn't build the ships. It doesn't lay the tracks. And it certainly doesn't stop the bombs from falling.
So, will Modi show up with a pen in hand by December? Possibly. But as any tech founder will tell you, the pivot is always harder than the pitch.
How many more "historic" agreements do we need before someone actually figures out how to move a shipping container from Haifa to Mumbai without it getting stuck in a geopolitical traffic jam?
